USA Today reports Texas News and now LULAC NAACP

Well, yesterday it was the New York Times reporting the Texas political news that the Texas reporters won't touch and today USA Today is reporting the Texas political news.

The national understanding among the voters is that the odds are zero that a Hispanic or a Black can become a Texas Senator or a Texas Governor. And when you add to that handicap two corrupt Hispanics running for governor, one with the additional handicap of an ex-stripper wife, and another being a turncoat Republican, you have a situation where the Democratic Party of Texas is about to self destruct.

Old racial indoctrinations die slowly. The over fifty citizens of native Texans grew up in segregated schools and those over sixty grew up in a segregated society. Until these racially conscious citizens die off, Texas is not going to see a candidate of color as Governor, Lt. Governor or Senator. If the Democratic Party tries to push a Hispanic candidate for governor or a Black or Hispanic candidate for senator, then they are reducing themselves to the status of a third party trying to bring on social change before the people are ready. Nice agenda but not a winning one.

LULAC and the NAACP combining their agendas is a good start but if anyone thinks that Blacks and Hispanics are going to lay down mutual negative racial attitudes toward each other just because of this combination, they are sadly mistaken.

The Democratic Party has touted Sanchez and Morales and completely ignored the fact that in so doing they were fomenting a Black-White revolt within the Party. Civil rights has driven politically incorrect language underground but it has made little impact on the real attitudes about racism.

The bottom line is that I, John WorldPeace, am the only gubernatorial candidate who has stated that he will allocate half his appointments as governor to women and a percentage of his appointments to Blacks and Hispanic equal to their turnout in the November 2002 general election. This will go a long way toward breaking down the glass ceilings which exists for these disenfranchised groups. 

Sanchez and Morales refuse to make that commitment. Morales has already shown his distaste for affirmative action in his application of the Hopwood case. Sanchez lives in Laredo, which his ancestors founded, and which still flies the Confederate Battle Flag at the international airport. I have committed to removing that flag. Laredo is the Vidor of South Texas.

So who will be the governor of all the people and who would be the governor of South Texas?

For the Texas political news, go to the national media. For the truth go to www.johnworldpeace.com. For irrelevant and worn out punch and cookie stories about Sanchez and Morales, read the local Texas press.

John WorldPeace
The next governor of Texas
A real Texan for ALL Texans

January 22, 2002

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Nation's elite political circles lack minorities

By Kathy Kiely, USA TODAY 
AP 

Former Virginia governor Douglas Wilder is the only African-American ever elected to lead a state. 

WASHINGTON It's a fact so obvious and so widely accepted that it's not even a political issue. But if the U.S. Senate and the National Governors' Association were private clubs, their membership rosters would be a scandal. They're virtually lily white. Not a single black or Hispanic is to be found among the nation's sitting governors. The same is true for the Senate, whose 100 members represent a population that is 12.5% Hispanic and 12.3% black. As the nation celebrates the birthday of civil rights pioneer Martin Luther King Jr., his dream of equal opportunity for all races appears far from being realized in the country's most elite political circles.

Women have made major political strides since the civil rights movement of the 1960s: Five are governors and 13 are in the Senate, both record-high numbers. But the statewide jobs that historically have been steppingstones to the presidency have remained mostly out of minorities' reach.

Of the 1,864 people who have served in the Senate since 1789, 15 have been minorities: four blacks (two elected), three Hispanics, four Asian-Americans, three Native Americans and one Native Hawaiian. More than 2,200 people have served as governors. Nine have been minorities: four Hispanics, three Asian-Americans, one black and one Native Hawaiian.

A big boost in those figures is unlikely this year. There are 34 Senate seats and 36 governor's offices on the ballot; about 20 minority politicians are running or considering it. A few are given a fair chance of winning their primary and general elections, but none is an outright favorite.

Politicians of all races and ethnicities are troubled by the underrepresentation of minorities in top elective offices. They believe it has a subtle but unmistakable impact on the way the nation is governed.

Not until the number of female members began to grow did Congress begin to devote serious attention and dollars to breast cancer and day care, Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash, says. "It's important to have all kinds of people at the table, so you can have policies that work for everybody," she says.

Minority lawmakers who have been elected to top statewide offices are disappointed that others haven't followed their lead. When his official portrait was hung in the state Capitol in Richmond several years ago, former Virginia governor Douglas Wilder told the audience, "I would hope that this is not the last time a picture of an African-American will be hung in these halls." So far, his wish has gone unfulfilled. Wilder, elected in 1990, remains the only black ever elected governor in any state.

Edward Brooke, the first of only two blacks ever elected to the Senate, considers his lack of political heirs "a great tragedy."

"I always thought in my lifetime I would see progress," says Brooke, 81, a Republican who represented Massachusetts in the Senate from 1967 to 79. "It hasn't happened."

Why hasn't it? More than two dozen black, Hispanic and Asian-American politicians and experts interviewed by USA TODAY say some of the blame belongs to over-cautious political parties, some to risk-averse minority candidates. All agree that it shows how far King's dream is from reality.

"This country has a tremendous racial problem," says Rep. James Clyburn, D-S.C., who tried and failed twice to win statewide office. "We don't like to admit that. People are just more comfortable with people who look like them."

Excluded from top posts

To combat that attitude, Congress passed the landmark Voting Rights Act in 1965. The act opened the doors of state legislatures and the U.S. House of Representatives by allowing lawmakers to design legislative and congressional districts likely to elect minorities.

During the succeeding 37 years, the number of minority representatives in Congress soared from nine (six blacks and three Hispanics) to 60 blacks, Hispanics and Asian-Americans who vote in the House today. Of those, 55 have districts dominated by minorities.

The pattern is the same for statewide officeholders. All three Hispanics who have served in the Senate and two of the nation's three Hispanic governors came from New Mexico, where Hispanics constitute the largest ethnic group. All but one of the five Asian-Americans who have served in the Senate have come from Hawaii, where Asians and Native Hawaiians are in the majority.

That's discouraging for minority candidates who want to run statewide. Bill Gray, a longtime member of Congress who now heads the United Negro College Fund, says: "You can gerrymander a congressional district. How do you carve out a state and say, 'That's the black governor's state?' "

Today, major demographic changes are raising the hopes of Hispanic politicians in Florida and across the Southwest. But the states with the largest black populations are in the South, where experts say it's harder for blacks to win whites' votes. "They have the most racially polarized politics," says David Bositis of the Joint Center for Economic and Political Studies, a think tank in Washington that focuses on black issues.

Even in states with large minority voting blocs, some of the best-known black politicians have been stymied in their careers:

Andrew Young, a civil rights pioneer who won three terms in the U.S. House and two as Atlanta's mayor, couldn't win his party's nod for Georgia governor in 1990. 
Tom Bradley, a respected four-term mayor of Los Angeles, lost two attempts in the 1980s to become California's governor. 
Harvey Gantt, a former mayor of Charlotte, lost two races to unseat Sen. Jesse Helms, R-N.C., despite polls showing him ahead. 
Says Rep. Robert Matsui, D-Calif., one of the top-ranking Asian-Americans in Congress: "There has been a growing frustration among minority politicians."

Among the reasons some of the nation's most experienced minority politicians cite for their poor record in statewide campaigns:


No farm team: Many politicians lay the groundwork for a Senate or gubernatorial campaign by first seeking and winning a lesser statewide office. Brooke won the Massachusetts attorney general's race before getting elected to the Senate. Wilder laid the groundwork for his gubernatorial milestone by first winning the lieutenant governor's job. 
But of the nation's 473 statewide elected executives lieutenant governors, attorneys general, comptrollers, secretaries of state and treasurers eight are black, and seven are Hispanic. "It's a shocking shortcoming," former Atlanta mayor Maynard Jackson says.

Prejudice against cities: Many of the nation's best and brightest black politicians are mayors. "There's kind of a prejudice against urban officials running statewide," former Baltimore mayor Kurt Schmoke says. 
Ron Walters, a University of Maryland political scientist, cites Dennis Archer of Detroit, Michael White of Cleveland and Marc Morial of New Orleans, who have retired or are stepping down rather than seeking higher office. "Essentially, because of race, they don't have any future," Walters says.

Plain old prejudice: Minority politicians still confront racial and ethnic stereotypes. Rep. Robert Menendez, D-N.J., recalls one woman who approached to shake his hand after a speech and, in a thick Irish brogue, congratulated him on being able to speak English. 
Many remain convinced that white voters won't elect them. "The only way an African-American can become a member of the Senate is by some kind of fluke," says Rep. Bobby Rush, D-Ill., a former Black Panther who represents Chicago in Congress. One example: former Illinois senator Carol Moseley-Braun won an upset 1992 victory in a three-way Democratic primary against two white men. Then she benefited from female voters' outrage over the Senate's treatment of Anita Hill, another black woman, who had testified against the Supreme Court nomination of Clarence Thomas. Moseley-Braun lost re-election in 1998.

The color green: Most minority politicians have a harder time raising money than their white colleagues. Their own political base often doesn't include deep-pocketed contributors, and they have difficulty attracting outside investors. "People just don't give money to black candidates," Rep. Donald Payne, D-N.J., says. 
This year, members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus set up a political action committee to help boost their numbers. Rep. Joe Baca, D-Calif., its chairman, says they've raised about $500,000.

The fear factor: Minorities are often discounted by party leaders and fundraisers recruiting statewide candidates. "There's a fear we will not win," Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, R-Fla., says. 
The message often is "oh, sure, you're qualified, but ...," Morial says. "And you know what the 'but' is: 'Maybe it's not time yet. Maybe your state's not ready.' "

Many minority politicians say their parties' attitudes have sapped their own self-confidence. "We have to some extent bought into the rhetoric," Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, D-Texas, says.

Despite their frustrations, minority politicians say they have not given up hope. With their populations growing, Hispanics and Asians believe they've just begun to flex their political muscle. Ros-Lehtinen, a former teacher who shied away from a 1981 school board race in Miami's Dade County because she didn't think a Cuban-American could win, now says "it's just a matter of time" before minorities win top statewide offices.

Washington state's Chinese-American Gov. Gary Locke agrees that "the outlook is promising."

Blacks are more cautious. But Greg Moore, executive director of the NAACP's National Voter Fund, is encouraged to see at least nine blacks running for governor or senator this year. "I don't think I've ever seen a list quite this big," he says. Secretary of State Colin Powell also is often mentioned as a potential president or vice president.

Jumping the last barrier

Two minorities who have succeeded in winning top statewide offices say it takes a leap of faith. Virginia Democrat Wilder and Massachusetts Republican Brooke say the years they spent paying dues were key to their victories. But in the end, both had to defy conventional wisdom and political mentors to make their landmark campaigns. "I guess I was elected in spite of my race," Brooke says.

Most minority politicians believe that progress, while slow, continues steadily. "We're only 38 years away from segregation," Gray says. "I think we've seen a tremendous empowerment of African-Americans in the last 38 years. The last barrier is statewide office."

Contributing: Paul Overberg



01/21/2002 - Updated 12:18 AM ET 



Minority candidates for 2002

Some leading minority candidates for governor. All are Democrats.

State Name Occupation Race/Ethnicity 
Arizona Alfredo Gutierrez Former state senator Hispanic 
Colorado Stan Matsunaka State Senate president Asian-American 
Florida Daryl Jones State senator Black 
Illinois Roland Burris Former state attorney general Black 
Michigan Alma Wheeler Smith State senator Black 
New Mexico Bill Richardson Former U.S. Energy secretary Hispanic 
New York Carl McCall State comptroller Black 
Ohio Stephanie Tubbs Jones State representative Black 
Oklahoma Kelly Haney State senator Native American 
Oregon Jim Hill Former state treasurer Black 
Texas Tony Sanchez Businessman Hispanic 
Texas Dan Morales Former state attorney general Hispanic 
Wisconsin Gary George State senator Black 


Some leading minority candidates for U.S. senator. All are Democrats.

State Name Occupation Race/Ethnicity 
New Mexico Gloria Tristani Former FCC commissioner Hispanic 
North Carolina Dan Blue Former state House speaker Black 
Texas Ron Kirk Former Dallas mayor Black 

Source: USA TODAY research

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LULAC, NAACP unite to fight for civil rights, political power 
01/21/2002 

By CONNIE MABIN / The Associated Press 

AUSTIN On Martin Luther King Jr. Day, two of Texas' largest minority organizations announced they have joined forces to fight racial inequality and other injustices.

The Texas League of United Latin American Citizens and the Texas NAACP made the announcement Monday on the Capitol steps before a crowd of thousands that had gathered for annual King Day activities.

"We know that we're going to be a lot stronger," said Gary Bledsoe, Texas president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. "In the past, we have fought over the same crumbs."

"Our problems are the same and we decided that no longer will there be division," he said.

The groups signed a resolution that they plan to work together on issues such as racial profiling, education and economic development.

"Alone, I think we're limited," said Vincent Ramos, executive director of Texas LULAC. "We're limited in what we can accomplish. But together, I think people just need to prepare themselves for a new future here in the state of Texas and in the United States."

Leaders of both groups said they wanted the partnership to set a national example.

They come together in search of power in numbers as the face of Texas changes.

Hispanics are the fastest-growing segment of Texas' 20.9 million people, growing from 4.4 million in 1990 to 6.7 million in 2000, and making up 32 percent of the population, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.

The state's 2.4 million blacks represented 11.5 percent of the total population in 2000, according to the census.

Those combined numbers could be even more powerful if minorities register to vote and advocate for better government, the leaders said. In the past, candidates have tried to divide blacks and Hispanics to dilute minority voting strength, they said.

"Too often they're trying to pit the minority community against one another and the they're trying to have us compete for the same limited resources, for the same slice of the pie," said Lamont Ross, a member of the NAACP's national board of directors.

"But together we can obtain the whole pie. Together we can join hands and fight for equality. We can fight for freedom. We can fight for racial justice. We can fight for social liberties and we can fight for our civil rights," Ross said.

Members of both groups carried signs pushing for voter registration drives in minority communities.

Morris Overstreet, president of the Texas Coalition of Black Democrats, said strength in numbers is why his group is teaming with the Tejano Democrats to have a joint convention next month in San Antonio.

"I would think that it would be impossible for any Democrat running statewide in Texas to win an election unless he or she had the support of the Tejano Democrats and the Coalition of Black Democrats, and by extension of that the Hispanic community and the African-American community," Overstreet said.

Democratic gubernatorial hopefuls Tony Sanchez and Dan Morales, both Hispanic, and Democratic U.S. Senate candidate Ron Kirk, the former black mayor of Dallas, are among the minorities seeking votes in the March 12 primary.

Now that the 19,000-member NAACP and 4,000-member LULAC have come together, candidates from either political party must win over both Hispanics and blacks to be successful, said Bill Miller, a political consultant in Austin.

"It's going to help a couple of specific candidates, but it's going to help the Democratic Party immensely. It reduces the divisiveness and unity is key to success in the fall."

With so much political power on the line, Republicans and Democrats alike are going after minority votes in full force.

Both parties have backed registration drives, spoken of diversity and targeted the border region for frequent campaign stops.

Sanchez and Morales are doing ads and debates in Spanish, a language GOP Gov. Rick Perry is studying.

The first NAACP-LULAC event will be a race relations symposium called "Building Peaceful Communities" scheduled for March 28-29 in Dallas. The groups will discuss efforts that have been successful in resolving racial conflict, preventing violence and improving race relations.

The symposium also will include a session on preventing terrorism as well as dealing with the racial issues associated with such incidents, the groups said.

The groups also plan round-table discussions with political officials, law enforcement and others in Houston, San Antonio, Austin, Amarillo and Corpus Christi.

The partnership began in June when the organizations signed a memorandum of understanding promising to strengthen their relationship and "jointly combat tendencies and actions that deprive all American citizens, especially Hispanics and African-Americans, of their rights and education, administration of justice, social and economic pursuits as well as civic and voting rights activities."